Shailagh Murray reporting on Lieberman

Lieberman's Eroding Base
Many Democratic Faithful Support a Political Newcomer Rather Than the Senator Who Has Not Toed Party Line
By Shailagh Murray

Washington Post Staff Writer
Sunday, July 30, 2006; Page A04

Irving Stolberg is not just another Connecticut Democrat who wants Joe Lieberman out of office.

The former speaker of the Connecticut House is one of Lieberman's oldest allies in state politics. The two met as antiwar activists in the late 1960s and won seats to the legislature together in 1970, and Stolberg remained an admirer when Lieberman drifted to the political center, while Stolberg stuck to his liberal roots.



Lieberman supporters rally in Rocky Hill, Conn., for the candidate, whose potpourri politics alienate many Democrats. (By Bob Child -- Associated Press)

But this year, as Lieberman battles for a fourth term in the Senate, Stolberg has reluctantly endorsed his ally's Democratic primary opponent, multimillionaire businessman and political neophyte Ned Lamont. "It's been a wrenching decision. I've supported him every step," Stolberg said of Lieberman. "But the issues and the principles trump 40 years of friendship."

Lieberman, the Democrats' 2000 vice presidential nominee and a major player on Capitol Hill for years, seemed invincible until a few months ago. But an insurgency fueled by liberal anger over the senator's support for the Iraq war, coupled with an agile, well-financed campaign by Lamont that capitalizes on that discontent, is threatening to topple Lieberman in the Aug. 8 Connecticut Democratic primary. If he loses, Lieberman is likely to run as an independent in November, drawing on his popularity with Republicans and unaffiliated voters. Yet the stunning turnabout is a cautionary tale of how quickly a political career can unravel.

The strain shows. At campaign events, Lieberman at times appears subdued and weary. He projects little of the cheerful enthusiasm that marked his long-shot presidential bid two years ago. "It's difficult personally," Lieberman said last week of the defections by party veterans such as Stolberg. "I am competing in the most difficult part of the Connecticut electorate for me."

In an editorial published today, the New York Times endorsed Lamont over Lieberman, arguing that the senator had offered the nation a "warped version of bipartisanship" by supporting Bush on national security.

Lieberman is accustomed to the rough and tumble of politics, and can be combative in his own defense, as he showed during a recent debate. But he said he has been jarred by the intensity of Democratic anger toward Bush -- and, by extension, toward him. Liberal bloggers have called Lieberman a "liar" and a "weasel."

"It's not just opposition to Bush," he said. "The hatred is so deep."

That Democratic ire "raises larger questions about our politics," Lieberman added. He thinks it ultimately undermines the effectiveness of government. But he makes no apology for his position on the war, having resolved long ago that he would not "be part of a partisan response."

Other Democrats, including Stolberg, considered challenging Lieberman this year, but Lamont had a crucial advantage. The great-grandson of a JP Morgan chairman, who founded a successful cable-television business, he has already spent $1.5 million of his own money and had raised an additional $1.3 million through June 30.

"I felt all along I would have a challenge," Lieberman quipped. "But I was hoping God would send me a poor one." The senator, however, has raised $7 .2 million for his campaign.

In Washington, Lieberman carved a niche in foreign policy and gained a national reputation as a collegial, moderate Democrat with a strong moral streak. Back home, though, his Democratic base narrowed. Traditional left-leaning voters were turned off by Lieberman's support for school vouchers, his criticism of affirmative action and his hawkish foreign policy views. They also resented his conciliatory style in the highly partisan, elbows-out environment of Capitol Hill in recent years.

As the Iraq war unfolded and controversies flared over intelligence failures and the commitment of U.S. forces, Democrats such as Stolberg longed for their senator to take a more combative approach with the White House. Bush's embrace of Lieberman the night of the president's 2005 State of the Union address -- a moment that has come to be called "the Kiss" -- is one of the most vivid images of the Connecticut campaign. In a speech last December, Lieberman warned Democrats that "in matters of war, we undermine presidential credibility at our nation's peril."

"You can want to be liked by some people, but there are a few you have to write off," Stolberg said. "Joe wants to be loved by the devil, too."

Voters express a similar anguish. While Lieberman was working the crowd at a Norwalk Italian festival, he was greeted by Mike Vano Jr., an 80-year-old Navy World War II veteran. After shaking the senator's hand, Vano conceded that he could not decide which Democrat will get his vote. "I like the man. I like what he's done," Vano said of Lieberman. "But I don't like that war."

At a campaign stop last Monday at Sweet Rexie's, a candy store in South Norwalk, Conn., Sen. Barbara Boxer, a liberal California Democrat, vouched for Lieberman's Democratic bona fides before a group of local businesswomen. Boxer's visit was part of an effort by the Lieberman camp to convince Connecticut Democrats that he is still one of them.

"This is what I know," Boxer said. "You've got a good Democrat here." At a rally later that day in Waterbury, former president Bill Clinton assured 2,000 Lieberman supporters: "He is a good Democrat, he is a good man, and he'll do you proud."

A July 20 Quinnipiac University survey showed likely Democratic primary voters favoring Lamont 51 percent to 47 percent over Lieberman, a lead that is statistically insignificant because it falls within the margin of error. Lieberman trails among voters making over $30,000 per year, those with college degrees, and all age groups except senior citizens. Lieberman had held substantial leads in previous polls.

Some political observers think the seeds of Lieberman's problems with Connecticut voters were planted in 2000, when Al Gore picked him as his vice presidential running mate and as a precaution Lieberman refused to give up his bid for a third Senate term. "It's called covering your bases, rather than being a loyal party guy," said John M. Orman, a Fairfield University politics professor who briefly challenged Lieberman before Lamont entered the picture.

While laying the foundation for his own presidential bid in 2004, Lieberman criticized Gore for mishandling their 2000 campaign by sounding a populist tone instead of appealing more to centrists. He showed interest in the Republicans' plan for overhauling Social Security, he voted for a Republican energy bill that Democrats decried, he supported federal intervention in the Terri Schiavo right-to-die case, and he helped clear the path for a vote on Samuel A. Alito Jr.'s Supreme Court confirmation -- although he voted against Alito.

But Lieberman has helped his party on many issues. He is a strong supporter of abortion rights, opposed the Bush tax cuts, and is considered a friend to environmental, gay and lesbian, and labor causes. Much to his frustration, critics have pushed all that into the background.

"The partisanship and the war have created a different situation, one [Lieberman] hasn't seen before," said Scott L. McLean, political science chairman at Quinnipiac. "Prior to the Iraq war, you couldn't pin him down."

Lieberman, the son of a Stamford liquor-store owner, began his career as an ambitious progressive. But he shed his liberal image after losing a 1980 House race, emerging as a law-and-order moderate during a stint as Connecticut attorney general. Lieberman took on phony charities, blocked an off-track betting parlor, and criticized "ladies' night" bar specials for discriminating against men. When he took on Sen. Lowell P. Weicker Jr. in 1988, he ran so far to the right of the moderate Republican that conservative icon William F. Buckley Jr. pitched in as a Lieberman fundraiser.

In the final days before the Aug. 8 primary, Lieberman is summing up his message to voters this way: "Mr. and Mrs. Connecticut, I hope you'll respect me, even if you don't agree with me."

His supporters cite the senator's breadth of experience and character as the main reasons they are sticking with him. Patricia Mulhall, who attended the Clinton rally, said she forgives Lieberman's perceived transgressions for the sake of his decency and gravitas. "I was disappointed with some of his votes, but I understand," said Mulhall, Waterbury's Democratic registrar.

The silver lining for Lieberman is that he remains popular with unaffiliated moderates and GOP voters, a large slice of the Connecticut electorate. The July Quinnipiac poll indicated he would easily win a three-way race in November, against Lamont and the Republican nominee, Alan Schlesinger.

Then again, the primary also looked like a cakewalk for Lieberman until recently. As Lieberman was leaving Sweet Rexie's with Boxer, he bumped into Richard Stowe, who was walking by the store. "Time to go from Iraq," Stowe told the senator politely. Stowe is a Republican, but he is supporting Lamont.